A commentary on the 2019 Extradition Bill

A commentary on the 2019 Extradition Bill

A brief recount of protests surrounding the bill Following the Hong Kong government’s introduction of a legislative proposal to transfer fugitives to any jurisdiction on a case-by-case basis, protests have rippled the city, with concerns over the sensitive subject nature of the bill, as well as accompanying procedural issues. Most significantly, protesters have expressed their deep concern about the implications of the arrangement on the relationship between Hong Kong and China. On June 9th, 1 million people took to the streets to oppose the extradition proposal. Nonetheless, the Hong Kong government decided to press ahead with the second reading of the proposed bill in the Legislative Council. To hold off the debate, protesters came together again on June 11th and June 12th, resulting in the debate being stalled. The protestors did not stop there. Some pushed at police lines at the LegCo building, and violence erupted. The clash saw the police firing tear gas, pepper spray and rubber bullets at largely peaceful...
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Snapshots #1: The June 4th Incident and the 2019 Extradition Bill

Snapshots #1: The June 4th Incident and the 2019 Extradition Bill

Snapshots #1: The June 4th Incident and the 2019 Extradition Bill      The June 4th Incident of 1989 is regarded as one of the defining moments of recent Chinese history, where student-led demonstrations in Beijing calling for political and economic reform resulted in suppression by military units. Whilst the exact details of the incident remain unclear, what is clear is that the efforts made towards the betterment of their society have not been forgotten. The June 4th incident, and continued calls for justice for the demonstrators, have always been focal points of Hong Kong and CUHKCAS. Though June 4th is an issue of 30 years past, we should bear historical lessons in mind when reflecting on current political events. It is heartening to see that Hong Kong people have always been actively engaged in political discussion towards political and social issues, especially those regarding the repercussions of Hong Kong and Chinese governmental actions on the integrity of One Country Two Systems. Whilst not exactly...
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Snapshots #1 – The June-Forth Event 六四

【SNAPSHOTS 2018 | #1】六四 [For English version, please scroll down] 作為近代中國史上最悲壯的學生運動,由和平示威演化成武裝清場,六四事件深深撼動着每一個對國家和社會有抱負的青年的心弦。隨著事件發生二十九年,再有文件 (Contemporary British Report from M H Farr) 質疑當年的武裝行動的必要性。雖然事件最終落得悲劇收場,大眾普遍認為這群不幸喪生的學生皆是對國家愛之深,恨之切的莘莘學子。要求替學生平反、正名的聲音此起彼落,二十九載從未消散。近日「天安門母親」在其公開信中重申:「儘管在維護做人的尊嚴、尋找公平正義的道路上荊棘滿途,他們定必堅定前行。」 劍橋大學香港及中國事務會不敢忘記二十九年前因六四事件而成立的初衷,我們定必秉承本會宗旨,恪守公平及公義原則,以促進中港兩地的人權及民主為己任。我們確不能忘記當年運動帶給我們的啟示:作為一個接受完善教育,飽讀詩書的青年,我們有絕對責任為推動社會建設而出一分力。本會對近年年輕一代對六四事件的冷淡及不熟悉,悼念六四事件的人數不斷下降深表遺憾,但更令人歎息的是社會有不少輿論均鼓吹移民,「來生不做香港人」的聲音實在令人痛心社會上離心紛現。或許,這般心態及對政治的冷感正正是由現時香港的教育制度所致? 從當年的國民教育到今日的初中中史科教革,課程內容皆被人批評有所偏頗。尤其是次初中史科課程改革中不少重要且具爭議的事件如六四事件,六七暴動皆被掦除於課程外。作為一群大學生,我們清楚明白教育對青年以至社會的思想模識的影響力。教育的優劣直接影響社會人力資源的質素。若一個史科課程有所避忌,並欠缺過往的家國大事,並未從錯誤中坦誠學習,又如何培養出對青年對家國的歸屬,如何磨礪出家事、國事、天下事,事事關心的社會棟樑? 誠然,六四事件距今已近三十年,孰是孰非,歷史自會交給世人一個交代。在這日到臨之前,我們只好在每年的這個時候重新審視六四事件,重新學習這份視家國大事為己任的高尚情操,好讓我們得以堅定信念,譜下香港未來的前路。 毋忘六四。 ******************* 【SNAPSHOTS 2018 | #1】The June-Fourth Event The June-Fourth incident is one of the most tragic events in modern Chinese history, where demonstrations of passionate university students in Beijing turned into scenes of tanks and guns being employed in Tiananmen Square, Beijing. Contemporary British report from M H Farr, which has been recently released by The National Archives, noted the People’s Liberation Army’s ‘inability to exploit the chances of almost bloodless victory’, and in fact was ‘firing indiscriminately’. While the casualty remains unknown, it is clear that the students were fighting for the betterment of China: their discontent towards corruption and bureaucracy, and their pursuit of freedom and democracy in China. Voices both within the Greater China region and the West have been seeking for an official reassessment and redress for the incident. The ‘Tiananmen Mothers’, a group comprising the parents, friends and relatives of victims of...
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Snapshots #8 – President Turned Emperor: China’s Constitutional Reform 從習大大到習帝

Snapshots #8 – President Turned Emperor: China’s Constitutional Reform 從習大大到習帝

《新華社》在上月底公布《中共中央關於修改憲法部分內容的建議》,當中涉及多個具爭議性的重要修憲建議,而最觸目的無疑是取消國家主席的任期限制。中國現行的《八二憲法》是在文化大革命後,經過「全黨深入反思」所制定的。是此修憲不單不符民主精神,更與《八二憲法》的精神有所違背,反而推使中國進一步走向「黨管一切」,甚至習近平個人的集權。修憲建議將於昨天開幕的全國人大中審議,普遍預料將獲得通過。修憲一旦通過不單是中國政治改革的一大倒退,對中國長遠發展也帶來巨大的危機。是此 Snapshot 將列出修憲的四個主要建議和其對中國政局的影響。 Xinhua News Agency announced ‘Central Committee of the Communist Party of China suggestions of changes to the Constitution’ at the end of last month. Many of the suggestions proved controversial; the one about removing the presidential term limit particularly attracted international attention. The 1982 Constitution China has now is established after the Cultural Revolution, a product of the collective reflection of the Party. The amendments to the Constitution proposed recently are not solely undemocratic, because it is a big step towards consolidating Xi Jinping’s personalistic rule; but they also betray the spirit of the 1982 Constitution. The proposed amendments to the Constitution will be discussed in the National People’s Congress which was inaugurated yesterday (5th March 2018), and it is widely predicted that the amendments will pass without much difficulty. The amendments to the Constitution constitute not only a big step backwards for China’s political reforms, but also a threat to China’s long-term development. This Snapshot will outline...
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Snapshots #7 – On Strike: a HK perspective 港講:英罷工?

Snapshots #7 – On Strike: a HK perspective 港講:英罷工?

【中文版本附於英文版本之後】 While high school students over the States are boycotting classes for gun control and bus drivers of KMB striking for fairer remuneration, employees at UK universities also refuse to remain silent. Lecturers at multiple Universities are now striking because of a new proposal for their pension scheme. In this Snapshot, we will explain the causes of the strike. We have also interviewed three current students at the University of Cambridge, hoping to analyse this movement from a local, international and Hong Kong perspective, and further reflect upon the role and value of student movements and strikes. *Answers to the interview only represent the stance of individual interviewees and do not represent the view of the Society 正當美國中學生為了槍械管制而罷課,香港九巴司機為了公平的待遇而罷工,英國的大學員工也沒有靜下來。多間大學的講師正因為退休金的改革方案而罷工。本期Snapshot將解釋是此罷工的前因後果,並訪問了三名在劍橋大學就讀的學生,從本地、國際、香港不同的角度看這次運動,也籍此反思學生運動與罷工的價值和意義。 *所有受訪者均以英語回應,中文內容為編者所譯;採訪內容僅代表個別學生意見,並不代表本會立場 Cover photos credit: Alvin Wong     The Universities Superannuation Scheme 大學退休金計劃 (USS) 【What is the USS and how does it work?】 The Universities Superannuation Scheme (USS) is one of the largest private pension schemes in the UK and is the principal scheme for academic and comparable staff in UK universities...
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Snapshots #6 – 北京最冷的冬天:「低端人口」被驅離 The Coldest Winter in Beijing: Eviction of Migrant Workers

Snapshots #6 – 北京最冷的冬天:「低端人口」被驅離 The Coldest Winter in Beijing: Eviction of Migrant Workers

[For English version, please scroll down] 上月18日,北京大興區發生大火,造成19人死亡。起火公寓位處外來勞工聚居的區域,為典型集生產經營、倉儲、住人於一體的「三合一」建築。密集的居住環境,加上雜物嚴重堆放,造成安全隱患,間接導致是次悲劇。北京當局翌日成了「全市安全隱患大排查大清理大整治專項行動」,以「安全隱患」為名,對市內外來人口聚居的地方進行清查行動,將大批「低端人口」趕出北京城外。 所謂的「低端人口」指的外來勞工,大多從事建築、快遞、清潔、保安等低收入的工作,他們離鄉別井希望在首都尋找更多發展機會。然而,受到中國的戶籍制度所限,這些基層外來工的權益不單並未有在城市發展時被考慮在內,他們教育、醫療及勞工權益亦缺乏保障。北京當局在清查行動後,否認以「低端人口」形容從事低端產業的人群;但事實上,這個詞彙早於2007年便出現在北京市政府文件中,更在民間宣傳標語中(如「清退低端人人有責」)廣泛使用。 是次行動並非無跡可尋。2012年,北京有773.8萬為外來人口,佔常住人口約37%。面對外來人口常住化對政治安全的壓力,加上配合「京津冀協同發展」整治產業結構的需要,習近平在2014年要求調整疏解非首都核心功能,並將北京市的常住人口上限定於2300萬。自此,北京當局在「加快疏解非首都功能,積極構建高精尖經濟結構」的綱領下,一方面收緊落戶政策、提高外省兒童入讀學校的門檻;另一方面,打擊低端產業,多個原本外省人做小生意的批發市場一個接一個地被要求倒閉。 這次火災以後,北京當局以粗暴的手段迫遷「低端人口」,只是將一直以來的矛盾進一步暴露於公眾眼前。政府以斷水斷電斷燃氣及武力脅迫手段,非法要求「低端人口」在三天內搬離居住地。部分民間熱心人士發起行動協助、接濟這群基層勞工,但很快就被當局制止。此舉不單引起境外媒體關注,國內逾3千名知識分子亦聯署,要求當局處理這宗「違反憲法和嚴重踐踏人權的惡性事件」。 今個冬天,北京不單面對著「低端人口」被驅離的危機,天然氣供暖不足和大規模拆卸招牌等政策,都令北京民眾叫苦連天。十九大後,社會看似歌舞昇平,但一片歡騰下的暗湧究竟能否被妥善解決呢?習近平集權以後,政府進一步走向威權政治,這種強硬、粗暴甚至不近人情的施政手法究竟會延續多久呢?北京何時才會走過這個漫長的冬天呢? 北京「切除」:11張圖帶你看懂「低端人口」清退行動 | 端傳媒 https://theinitium.com/…/20171201-mainland-Beijing-uprooted/ 北京清理「低端人口」的前因後果 | am730 https://www.am730.com.hk/…/%E5%8C%97%E4%BA%AC%E6%B8%85%E7%9… 林垚:「低端人口」從來都是「低端外來人口」——北京切除的戶籍維度 | 端傳媒 https://theinitium.com/…/20171206-notes-beijing-migrant-ho…/   ******************* On November 18, a deadly fire in Daxing, Beijing caused the death of 19 people. DaXing is an area mostly inhabited by migrant workers. The estate concerned is a typical structure that combines commercial production, storage, and housing functions in one facility. A compact living environment, alongside accumulation of unorganised debris, indirectly propagated this tragedy. Following the incident, the Beijing authority established a city-wide movement to clear those living around the periphery. The “Low-end Population” is coined to describe migrant workers in Beijing, most of whom in low-income occupations such as construction, delivery, sanitation, and security. While many arrived in pursuit of economic opportunities, they have been heavily restricted by the Chinese Hukou system; a local registration system that limit access to education, healthcare, and labour rights in other provinces. Beijing has denied referring to these migrant workers as part of a “Low-end Population”, yet the phrase has been in...
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Snapshots #5 – 施政報告:六個你要知的新政策 Policy Address: Six New Policies That Matter

Snapshots #5 – 施政報告:六個你要知的新政策 Policy Address: Six New Policies That Matter

[For English version, please scroll down] 林鄭月娥今天(十月十二日)發表了任內第一份行政長官施政報告(Maiden Policy Address)。在二百七十五個段落之中,羅列新政府在七大施政方針的「新思維」和「新角色」。本文摘選了六個與大學生有關的新政策。 1. [STEM]教育局將注資30億元,以助學金吸引本地學生修讀本地大學研究院研究課程;資助企業聘用創科博士後專才從事研究工作科研及產品開發;並提供更多實習研究員崗位供STEM畢業生。另外,政府亦利用20億元的「創科創投基金」,與私人風險投資基金共同投資本地創科初創企業。 2. [置業易?]除了居屋和「綠置居」外,政府將於觀塘提供約1 000個單位的住宅用地推行「港人首置上車盤」試驗計劃。居港滿七年的香港居民,從來沒有在香港置業,而每月收入不超過34,000元(單身人士)/ 不超過68,000元(二人或以上家庭)將受惠(實施機制仍需進一步研究)。 3. [搭車著數] 政府會為每月公共交通開支超出400元的市民提供額外金額的25%補貼,以每月300元為上限。計劃將會涵蓋港鐵、專營巴士、專線小巴、渡輪及電車,而且免入息審查。 4. [環境保育] 為響應國際社會對減緩氣候變化的強烈要求,政府將推動香港低碳轉型,期望2030年碳強度從2005年的水平減低65%至70%;並落實《香港都市節能藍圖2015~2025+》(https://goo.gl/bEo9ZR) ,以更潔淨能源替代燃煤發電;亦透過與內地政府合作改善空氣質素。 5. [有份參與]政府將在委員會的層面,提升青年成員(即18至35歲人士)的整體比例至 15% (現為8.4%),透過自薦計劃吸納年輕人加入政府法定和諮詢組織;此外,政府亦會改組「中央政策組」為「政策創新與統籌辦事處」,聘請20至30位青年人,負責政策研究與項目協調工作,從而讓青年更加積極參政。 6.[暑期工]各個特區政府駐海外經貿辦(Hong Kong Economic and Trade Offices) 會在暑假期間收納大學學生體驗海外工作文化。政府同時亦會與更多國家簽訂新的工作假期協議,讓香港年齡介乎18至30歲的青年人透過在外地遊歷,從而擴闊視野。 這份施政報告在扶貧、醫療、房屋、人才培訓、經濟等方面提出了不少方向性的願景,但究竟多少政策最終「雷聲大,雨點少」實在不得而知。 正如本會於三月的Snapshot《林鄭月娥的承諾》(見以下連結)所引述,林鄭提到她首要的工作是要「修補撕裂,團結大家」,為青年人提供更多機會,在施政過程中進一步吸納青年人的意見。今年施政報告以「一起同行、擁抱希望、分享快樂」為題,與競選口號「同行」有著近似的志向和抱負,同時反映林鄭創造和諧社會的重視與願景。究竟這份報告是否能夠伸出橄欖枝,修補分化,實在拭目以待。但正如林鄭所言,要實現社會和諧不是靠文字;要解決深層次矛盾,似乎還有很多步要走。   行政長官2017年施政報告 https://www.policyaddress.gov.hk/2017/chi/policy.html 林鄭月娥的承諾 | CUHKCAS https://goo.gl/2D19re Carrie Lam focuses on middle class to bring housing market out of crisis | South China Morning Post https://goo.gl/ggo7Ux ******************* Chief Executive, Carrie Lam published her Maiden Policy Address today (12th October). In the span of 275 paragraphs, Lam details the “new thinking” and “new role” of her Government in the seven policy directions. We have chosen six new policies that are most relevant to us as university students. 1. [STEM] The Education Bureau will invest 3 billion into the following initiatives: bursaries for Hong Kong student to enrol into local universities’ research institutes, subsidising businesses to hire post-docs with expertise in innovation and technology (I&T) for R&D, and providing more research internships to STEM graduates. The Government will also set up the 2-billion Innovation and Technology Venture Fund to co-invest in local I&T enterprises with private...
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Snapshots #4 – 議會廳內的空凳 Seats Without Legislators

Snapshots #4 – 議會廳內的空凳 Seats Without Legislators

高等法院原訟庭昨日裁定劉小麗、羅冠聰、梁國雄及姚松炎四名議員的宣誓無效,失去議員資格。法官區慶祥指出,根據《基本法》第104條及人大常委會上年11月的解釋,宣誓人必須 (1)準確、完整地宣讀法定誓言(「嚴格形式和內容規定」); (2)真誠、莊重地進行宣誓(「莊重規定」); (3)並真誠相信及履行誓詞承諾(「實質信念規定」)。 區官指,羅冠聰將「中華人民共和國香港特別行政區」中的「國」字聲調提高並作出開場白和結束辭,表達出他對中華人民共和國作為香港特別行政區的合法主權國的地位的質疑,沒有展示真誠履行誓言中的責任的意圖。梁國雄被指在宣誓時撐傘、叫口號,而口號作為宣誓的一部分,因此不符合規定(1)和(2)。至於,劉小麗及姚松炎則分別因故意慢讀及用其他方式加入和讀出額外字句,違反規定(3) 和 (1)。劉小麗等4人已表明會上訴。 連同早前失去議席的青年新政梁頌恆和游蕙禎,非建制派先後有6位議員被褫奪議員資格。分析指,泛民將會歷史性地失去在地區直選的分組點票「否決權」。修改議事規則及議員私人草案需要在分組點票才能通過。目前民主派在直選只餘下14席,比建制派少2席。假若政府一併重選6席,新界東和九龍西將各有2個席位(梁國雄、梁頌恆;劉小麗、游蕙禎)供競逐。民主派預計只能各取1席,建制派在直選議席取得過半數。政府表示會在法庭有最終裁決後才決定補選安排。因此,政府會否一併進行補選,仍是未知之數。 泛民主派批評批評人大釋法濫用司法程序,改變選舉結果,認為做法「可恥」。部分議員把矛頭直指新上任的特區政府,指「政府的做法」有如向市民宣戰,並指會在議會推動不合作運動,重新開始拉布。特首林鄭月娥回應裁決指,無論行政長官或政府官員都不應因為要建立友好關係而在法治上作出妥協。她強調,建立橋樑要依法進行,表示不會與議員商討解決宣誓問題。 是次判決進一步顯示釋法對於法治可能造成的破壞。同時,法庭判決無疑是對銳意改善行政立法關係的新政府來說的一大打擊。平心而論,是次司法覆核由前特首梁振英及律政司提出,新政府在是次官司的角色有限;基於司法獨立的原則,特首的確不應該也無權干預法庭判決,而泛民主派亦難以責怪林鄭月娥。究竟新政府過去兩週試圖修補行政立法關係的手段會否功虧一貴,除了視乎林鄭月娥政府如何應對,更視乎泛民主派能否以事論事,以及公眾對於事件的輿論壓力。但無論如何,宣誓覆核案必定會在短期內重塑香港的政治氣候。 釋法懶人包 | CUHKCAS https://goo.gl/VuFvee DQ案專頁 | 《香港01》 https://goo.gl/u4pAuA Court ruling disqualifying Hong Kong lawmakers over oath-taking controversy ‘a declaration of war’ | South China Morning Post https://goo.gl/uhsDwb 【SNAPSHOTS 2017 | #4】Seats Without Legislators Four more pro-democracy legislative council members including Lau-Siu-lai, Nathan Law Kwun-chung, Leung Kwok-hung “Long Hair” and Edward Yiu Chung-yim are removed from their seats over the oath-taking fiasco after the First Court of Instance’s ruling on Friday. Judge Au Hing-cheung stated that according to Article 104 of the Basic Law and its interpretation by the NPCSC, oath takers must: (1) take the LegCo Oath in exactly the same form and content as prescribed (“the Exact Form and Content Requirement”); (2) do it solemnly and sincerely (“the Solemnity Requirement”); and (3) sincerely believe in and strictly abide by the pledges in the oath at the time of taking the oath (“the Substantive Belief Requirement”). The respective ruling of the disqualifications go as follows. Nathan Law was accused of questioning the legitimacy of the PRC as the sovereign...
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SNAPSHOTS x MOMENT IN TIME | 香港般的地方 A Place Like Hong Kong #4

SNAPSHOTS x MOMENT IN TIME | 香港般的地方 A Place Like Hong Kong #4

獅子山精神 The Lion Rock Spirit 「人生不免崎嶇 難以絕無掛慮 既是同舟 在獅子山下且共濟 拋棄區分求共對」 獅子山是香港的象徵;「獅子山下」這首七十年代膾炙人口的電視主題曲亦自然地成為香港人共同的歌曲。「獅子山精神」源自於七十年代,體現香港人在急速發展的經濟中力爭上游的拼搏精神。時至今天,「獅子山精神」一詞除了繼續出現在流行文化中,不少政治人物亦多番強調這股精神。前財政司司長梁錦松(2001-2003)、前總理朱熔基(1998-2003)、以致今年的特首選舉的參選人曾俊華都曾使用這個詞彙。作為「香港般的地方」系列最後一幀回顧,我們將會探討或許最牽動香港人的核心價值 —— 究竟這條舟能否繼續共濟呢? “The road is rugged and rough, And it is mired with worries. But since we are on the same boat below the Lion Rock, All discord set aside, with one heart on the same bright quest” The Lion Rock is the unofficial symbol of Hong Kong, and naturally, the famous theme song from the 1970s TV series hit “Below the Lion Rock” has become the unofficial anthem of Hong Kong. The term “Lion Rock Spirit” emerged in the 1970s to embody the hardworking attitude of the many Hong Kong people at the time, who strived to work their way out of poverty in the period of fastest-growing economy in Hong Kong. To this day, not only does “Lion Rock Spirit” remain a popular cultural reference, it has gained currency in politics. Former financial secretary Anthony Leung (2001-2003), Zhu Rongji, former Premier of the PRC (1998-2003) and the 2017 Chief Executive election candidate John Tsang have used...
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SNAPSHOTS x MOMENT IN TIME | 香港般的地方 A Place Like Hong Kong #3

SNAPSHOTS x MOMENT IN TIME | 香港般的地方 A Place Like Hong Kong #3

多元包容 Diversity 《香港核心價值宣言》中,一眾學者列舉出八個被廣泛討論的香港核心價值,而當中的「多元包容」一直為公眾焦點。「多元」、「包容」,兩者非南轅北轍,但亦非異曲同工。有輿論認為香港作為國際金融中心以及亞洲商業活動的樞紐,「多元」一譽尚算名副其實。然而,在中港矛盾、種族歧視等問題的持續發酵下,排外情緒升溫,「包容」則淪為輿論戰場上的導火線。「多元包容」,作為一體兩面的概念,傳達的,大概是「和而不同」。今天,我們將針對少數族裔及中港關係兩範圍,與您一起剖析回歸以來「多元包容」在形式及其體現方法上的轉變。 In the "Declaration on Core Values", scholars listed 8 core values of Hong Kong that was being widely discussed. Among them, diversity and tolerancehave been the focus of the public, being similar but not the same. There are public opinions claiming that, as an international financial hub, Hong Kong is worthy of the name of diversity. Nevertheless, with the problems of Hong Kong-Mainland China conflict and racial discrimination, xenophobia are steadily growing. Tolerance has become the sparkling point of conflicts. Diversity and tolerance should be the idea of keeping harmony but seeks no oneness. Today, we will be focusing on the area of minorities in Hong Kong and relationship between Hong Kong and Mainland China, analysing how the core values "diversity and tolerance" have changed in its forms and expressions after the handover.   【少數族裔】 香港少數族裔是指一些居住在香港的少數非華裔人士。根據 2011年人口統計結,香港約有451,000人報稱為非華裔人士,佔總人 口 的 6% 。當大家談起「少數族裔」,大部分人也會先想起南亞、東南亞或非洲等地方。然而,其實日本人和白人也是香港少數族裔。而多被稱為「少數族裔」的尼泊爾、印度或巴基斯坦人,他們多屬於社會經濟的下層。由此可見,「少數族裔」一詞牽引著很多背後的社會問題。 少數族裔所面臨最大的難題便是中文教育不足。少數族裔升讀中小學時多數被分配至英語為主的「指定學校」。當他們面對香港傳統的公開試,很多皆因中文程度不足而無法應對考試,繼而錯失入讀大學的機會。中文不只是入讀大學的重要條件,也是不少工作的基本要素。中文能力不足不單單阻礙發展,也造成跨代貧窮的問題。 香港雖說是國際城市,但仍以華裔佔大多數,由於語言不通,對他國文化不了解,華裔人士很容易對少數族裔產生偏見,甚至歧視。眼見不少少數族裔從事低薪工作,港人不自覺將兩者關聯起來,認為少數族裔能力不足,間接增加他們求職時的難度。而當有能力的少數族裔受到偏見時,一種挫敗感在整個群體中被形成,他們對於港人心中的「獅子山精神」亦難以產生共鳴。這顯然造成了一個惡性循環。 【中港關係】 提起「多元包容」的問題,近年社會中多了另一個議題,那就是中港關係。自回歸以來,中國大陸與香港一直存在矛盾。由雙非嬰兒居港權、自由行帶來的文化衝突,到釋法以及雨傘運動等較為敏感的政治議題,中港矛盾隨著中港關係日趨密切而同時增加。 中國 及香港雖然在地理位置上非常鄰近,而兩地人民同屬中華民族,但兩地始終相隔著,使彼此無論是生活、行為及言語上等形態都存在許多差異。中國是一個幅員廣大的國家, 單單是中國內部區域間民族文化的差異和關係已經非常不同。隨著自由行以及近年一帶一路的實施,港人與內地人接觸相應增加,亦促使生活上的文化衝突。 除了文化差異,釋法及政治分歧亦是中港矛盾的重要因素。回歸二十年以來的五次釋法減弱了港人對一國兩制的信心,法律界對於港人自治和基本法的擔憂也日漸增長。民間多項調查顯示港人對於一國兩制、法治以及民族身份的認同指數持續下降,中港矛盾是「多元包容」中需要正視的問題。 (有關法治的詳細資料能參考2/7的出版) 【Ethnic Minorities】 Hong Kong minorities refer to non-Chinese people living in Hong Kong. According to the HKSAR government’s population statistics in 2011,...
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